Home » Michigan’s local tax votes shouldn’t happen when turnout is lowest

Michigan’s local tax votes shouldn’t happen when turnout is lowest

Michigan’s local tax votes shouldn’t happen when turnout is lowest

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This article originally appeared in The Detroit News August 11, 2026.

On Aug. 4, local government entities in Michigan sent 900 tax proposals to their local voters, and 842 passed. Policymakers who are concerned about affordability issues may want to focus on the cost of local government.

These proposals (millages, bonds and sinking funds) will cost taxpayers $1.11 billion, according to Michigan Information & Research Service, which tallied the votes.

Why were there so many tax proposals on the August ballot?

Because August proposals tend to pass.

The state constitution allows local governments to propose new tax revenue to local voters. State law says these elections can happen on several dates throughout the year.

Curious about long-term local voting trends, I reviewed local tax proposal elections going back to 2016. The data, compiled by MIRS, shows that local governments stand the best chance of passage in off-cycle elections such as March, May or August.

When local tax votes are held on a nontraditional voting day, municipalities enjoy an 87% passage rate. August enjoys the highest passage rate at a whopping 91%. Last week’s approval rate was even higher at nearly 94%.

If these votes happen in November, the average passage rate falls to 82%.

Municipalities typically run more tax proposals in August than on any other available date. Last week saw 900 tax measures on local ballots. Two years ago it was 1,009. Compare that to November 2024 (382) or November 2025 (173). In fact, since 2020, local voters in Michigan have considered 6,553 tax proposals. More than half the measures (58%) happened in August.

Here’s the problem: Voter turnout for off-cycle elections is typically much lower than on the traditional November election day. This means that a small group of organized voters can impose new taxes on the rest of the electorate.

Look at last Tuesday’s vote totals. Over the last several weeks, Michigan’s U.S. Senate race dominated national commentary — especially in the Democratic primary. People were barraged with advertising about the Aug. 4 election. Millions voted.

Even so, turnout only reached about 33%, according to the state’s unofficial count. That’s no surprise because August turnout is typically low.

So is May. Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson has said average turnout for local May elections is only 12%. When May turnout once reached 25% she issued a celebratory press release praising the “commitment to democracy.”

November turnout rates are much higher. Nearly 59% of registered voters participated in Michigan’s November 2022 midterm. Turnout in the 2024 presidential election was 74.6%.

When local governments schedule an election in the spring or summer months, they know that fewer voters will pull the lever in that election.

Compounding the insult, off-cycle elections rack up unnecessary costs for taxpayers. Local tax proposals are often the only things on the ballot in May or August. That means you’re paying for the cost of an election just so local politicians can reach back into taxpayers’ wallets.

A final problem is that these local tax-and-spend measures usually run unopposed. A robust public debate helps inform voters such as the Saginaw Township voters who rejected a school bond three times. But it can be hard for concerned residents to mobilize a “no” campaign. Meanwhile, the school district or parks department can pump out information about the measure, aided by slick flyers, community meetings and social media campaigns. By law, government entities cannot tell residents how to vote, but you can assume local governments aren’t explaining the downsides of a new tax.

There’s a fix for these stealth elections: Restrict local tax elections to November. Include more voters in local decisions.

Who can argue against that?

Permission to reprint this blog post in whole or in part is hereby granted, provided that the author (or authors) and the Mackinac Center for Public Policy are properly cited.